Pepsi
Abstract: The
study purposed to examine the relationship between the degree of bullying with
reference to gender. Gender was entered into ANOVA as independent variable,
whereas, physical bullying was dependent variable. The results showed that boys
had reported higher mean scores of physical bullying than girls. It supports
the hypothesis that boys would report significantly higher mean scores of
physical bullying than girls. The result clearly shows that boys have higher
mean scores of physical bullying than girls; boys have 13.750 mean scores and
girls 10.910.
Keywords: bullying, gender, physical
bullying
Introduction
Intentional as well as continual acts which take place between the
same age, grade or position, where there is imbalance of power in case of
physical or verbal skills is defined as bullying. This is also known as
aggression. It occurs with influence of social networks: if someone has
stronger group of friends (Francine
Delany, 2013, p. 2) . School bullying that takes place
between the class mates, at school or during the school activities. It may take
place during off school hours like way to home or school. Occasional attack for
belongings or dispute on specific issue is not considered as bullying. To be
bullying, a student or group intentionally and repeatedly attack other student
either physically, verbally or indirectly (Quiroz,
Arnette, & Stephens, 2006, p. 1) . According to Olweus
(1991) bullying is “an
individual is a victim of bullying when he or she is exposed repeatedly over
time to negative actions by one or more individuals and is unable to defend him
or herself, excluding cases where two children of similar physical and
psychological strength are fighting (Gladden,
Vivolo-Kantor, Hamburger, & Lumpkin, 2014, p. 4) ”.
Given
the high prevalence and negative consequences of bullying and aggressive
behaviour in schools (Rigby A. , 1996) and widespread
efforts to counteract bullying (Shute & Charlton, 2006) , it is clear that
social scientists and educators have an ongoing duty to look into these
phenomena. There is sufficient evidence illustrating the possible unfavourable
health effects of bullying and other aggressive behaviour upon victims (Rivers I. , 2004) . For example, some
of the investigations found that those suffering peer victimization are more likely
to know anxiety, depression, suicidal ideation, physical and psychological
distress, low self-esteem, and social dysfunction (Rigby K. , 2001) . The ill effects of
aggression and bullying can also extend beyond the peer group. Olweus (1991)
observes that, in addition to the immediate victims, others (such as parents,
teachers, or siblings) often become recipients of the typical bully’s
aggressive behaviour and that those who bully are more likely to display
criminal behaviour (Rigby & Cox, 1996) . Such issues are
clearly of great and immediate social concern.
Rigorous research into the possible
causes and correlates of aggression and bullying will support in the planning,
execution, and care of effective interruptions. For example, it is commonly
thought that those who act aggressively do so as a result of low self-esteem
and that using aggression is one way for these individuals to boost their self-esteem
(Anderson E. , The code of the streets, 1994, May) . It therefore seems
apparent that interventions that advance self-esteem may lead to reduced levels
of aggression (Haney & Durlak, Changing self-esteem in children and adolescents: A
meta-analytic review, 1998) . Conversely, given
that some researchers now believe that it is certain types of high self-esteem that provide to
certain individuals behaving aggressively (Baumeister, Smart, & Boden, Relation of threatened egotism to
violence and aggression: The dark side of high self-esteem, 1996) , implementing
strategies to increase self-esteem may in reality be counterproductive.
Rigby
states that gender differences in bullying and victimization have been a
popular area of research (2008) . In explaining gender differences in social behaviour, Eagly (1987) suggested a social role
theory, according to that people act in a manner that is
consistent with their gender roles. From social divisions such roles have been
arisen, relating to domestic as well as work-related roles, such that females primarily
perform domestic and child rearing
duties and are more likely to fill positions
in the workplace that are communal
in nature for example, nurse, teacher. Through experiencing and enacting gender
roles, males and females
advance different attitudes, skills, and
expectancies resulting in behaviour patterns that differ according to those gender-roles. Consequently, there are
normative expectations that males are
more agentic for example, instrumental, masculine,
and females are more
communal. For example, they are expressive, feminine, with these gender norms passed on through socialization
processes to future generations (Archer, 2004) .
There are
supporting reviews for social role theory which explain gender differences in
aggression. It can be found in meta-analytic
reviews of research based both in
the laboratory and in real-world settings. Bettencourt
and Miller (1996) assessed
the effect of provocation on gender differences in aggression in experimental studies. They found that social role theory was generally supported
although provocation reduced the effect of gender
role norms, thereby reducing gender differences in physical and verbal
aggression. In effect, females’
aggression levels approached those of males
under conditions of provocation,
suggesting that gender differences may
not be clear-cut. Citing Maccoby and Jacklin (1974) , the authors
proposed that biological influences might explain gender differences whereby males
possess a greater aggressive readiness. Bettencourt and Miller
also suggested that, in conjunction with these biological determinants, gender role norms might further predispose males to aggress in ambiguous situations or when provocation is
low, whereas female gender roles may inhibit aggression in such situations. It is possible to illustrate gender
differences in what
children consider to be appropriate
behaviour, providing at least face
value support for social role theory.
A
survey of second through fourth grade children (N = 293) found that not only were boys more physically aggressive than
girls, but that boys also believed physical aggression to be more acceptable across a range of targets (i.e., adults and girls) and circumstances (e.g., when out of control) than did girls (Huesmann, Guerra, Zelli, & Miller, 1992) .
Methodology
There are mainly two research
approaches: deductive and inductive. The deductive approach – known as testing
a theory, in which the researcher develops a theory or hypotheses and designs a
research strategy to test the formulated theory. The inductive approach – known
as building a theory, in which the researcher starts with collecting data in an
attempt to develop a theory. The present study has applied the deductive
research approach.
The design of the main study was
correlational. It employed a pen and paper self-report
survey. The survey had four separate instruments. The four instruments were bullying,
victimization, personal self-esteem and narcissism. There are a number of research designs.
Among them why the researcher chose the correlational one is that especially in
the quantitative type of research where two or more than two variables are
existed correlational design is suitable (Thompson, Diamond, McWilliam, Synder, & Synder, 2005) .
The total participants of the study
were 936 from 15 government funded schools and 15 private schools of Kathmandu
District, Nepal. Kathmandu is the capital city that represents the nature of
almost population of Nepal. Among the
total participants boys were 469 (50.1%) and girls 467 (49.9%). The following
table no. 3.1 shows the gender wise participants.
Results
The following table shows the
results of gender-wise mean scores of physical bullying. Gender was entered as
independent variable, whereas, direct bullying, direct, indirect, verbal
victimization, global personal self-esteem and narcissism were dependent
variables. The following table no. 5 shows that boys have
higher mean scores of physical bullying than girls; boys have 13.750 mean
scores and girls 10.910. It supports the hypothesis that boys would report
significantly higher mean scores of physical bullying than girls.
|
N
|
Mean
|
Std. Deviation
|
Std. Error
|
95% Confidence Interval for Mean
|
Minimum
|
Maximum
|
|
|
Lower Bound
|
Upper Bound
|
||||||
Boys
|
469
|
13.750
|
4.25868
|
.19665
|
13.3641
|
14.1370
|
7.00
|
35.00
|
Girls
|
467
|
10.910
|
2.74301
|
.12693
|
10.6606
|
11.1595
|
7.00
|
23.00
|
Total
|
936
|
12.330
|
3.85319
|
.12595
|
12.0862
|
12.5805
|
7.00
|
35.00
|
Thus, hypothesis predicted that boys would report significantly higher mean scores of direct bullying than girls,
and results presented clearly support for this hypothesis. These results
correspond with those of Owens and MacMullin (2005) who used a peer-estimation method
based on the DIAS (Bjorkqvist, Lagerspetz, & Osterman, 1992) found that boys used significantly more physical bullying than girls. This
finding corresponds with those of
Paquette and Underwood, Galen & Paquette (2001) who also found that
boys reported experiencing significantly more
physical aggression than girls.
Conclusion
A series of analysis of covariance (ANOVA) tests was performed to
test the hypothesis. Gender was entered into ANOVA as independent variable,
whereas, physical bullying was dependent variable. The results showed that boys
had reported higher mean scores of physical bullying than girls. It supports
the hypothesis that boys would report significantly higher mean scores of
physical bullying than girls. The result clearly shows that boys have higher
mean scores of physical bullying than girls; boys have 13.750 mean scores and
girls 10.910.
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